A 20-20 Human Rights Vision Statement by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay for Human Rights Day, 10 December 2013

Twenty years ago, a historic document was adopted in Vienna. It crystallized the principle that human rights are universal, and committed States to the promotion and protection of all human rights for all people, regardless of their political, economic and cultural systems.

Among many other significant and ground-breaking achievements, the Vienna Declaration led to the creation of my Office – the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Since then, there have been many advances – indeed more than people perhaps realize.

The fundamentals for protecting and promoting human rights are largely in place:  these include a strong and growing body of international human rights law and standards, as well as institutions to interpret the laws, monitor compliance and apply them to new and emerging human rights issues.

The key now is to implement those laws and standards to make enjoyment of human rights a reality on the ground. The political will, and the human and financial resources, to achieve this are too often lacking.

The 20 years since Vienna have also, unfortunately, seen many setbacks and a number of tragic failures to prevent atrocities and safeguard human rights.

In several instances where deplorable, large-scale violations of international human rights law were occurring, the international community was too slow, too divided, too short-sighted – or just plain inadequate in its response to the warnings of human rights defenders and the cries of victims.

The Vienna Declaration should be viewed as a blueprint for a magnificent construction that is still only half built.

The conduct of States is more scrutinised than ever, and the expansion of civil society organizations and individual human rights activists over the past 20 years has been truly remarkable. Along with independent national human rights institutions, these are the bedrock of human rights development at the national level. But, it is a matter of deep concern that they are also facing increasing harassment and intimidation in many countries.

Women continue to suffer discrimination, violence and persecution.  So do ethnic, racial and religious minorities, and migrants, as well as individuals because of their sexual orientation. This shows how far we still have to go.

Internal conflicts continue to produce horrendous and widespread human rights abuses. Peaceful protests by people exercising, and calling for, their legitimate rights are being ruthlessly crushed by authorities virtually on a daily basis.

Changing and shifting populations, fuelled by rising poverty, refugee movements and volatile global economics, make countering ‘fear of the other’ a priority.

And complex new challenges continue to emerge, such as climate change and global terrorist movements.

The way we operate in this world is also changing at breakneck speed.

Modern technologies are transforming the way we do human rights work. In 1993, the World Wide Web was just four years old, and its future use and reach could barely have been imagined, nor how fundamentally the Internet would affect our lives. Together with social media and IT innovations, these technologies are dramatically improving real-time communications and information-sharing. They are also magnifying the voice of human rights defenders, shining a light on abuses, and mobilizing support for various causes in many parts of the world.

But we have also seen how new technologies are facilitating the violation of human rights, with chilling 21st Century efficiency. In breach of international law, mass electronic surveillance and data collection are threatening both individual rights, and the free functioning of a vibrant civil society.

A Tweet or Facebook post by a human rights defender can be enough to land him or her in jail. Drones can be, and are being, used for positive purposes. But armed drones are also being deployed, without due legal process, for the remote targeting of individuals. So-called “Killer robots” – autonomous weapons systems that can select and hit a target without human intervention – are no longer science fiction, but a reality.

Their likely future deployment poses deeply troubling ethical and legal questions.

Continued vigilance is needed to ensure that new technologies advance rather than destroy human rights. No matter the scale of these changes, existing international human rights law and international humanitarian law governing the conduct of armed conflict remain applicable.

States must ensure that they are applied.

At the international level, a huge amount of work remains to be done to transform human rights from abstract promises to genuine improvement in the daily lives of all people, especially those who are currently marginalized or excluded.

The UN Human Rights Office will continue to work with all our partners to try to prevent human rights breaches from occurring. We will continue to be vocal about human rights violations. We will continue to ask States to do their part – the biggest part by far – to ensure that the tragic mistakes of the past are not repeated and that the human rights of all are protected and promoted.

We can – and we must – do better.

The vision and goals formulated 20 years ago in Vienna are still valid. They are still worth fighting for now – over the next 20 years – and beyond.

ENDS

For further information and media requests, please contact
Rupert Colville (+41 22 917 9767 or + 41 79 506 1088 / rcolville@ohchr.org ); Ravina Shamdasani (+41 79 201 0115 or rshamdasani@ohchr.org)  or Cécile Pouilly (+41 22 917 9310 or +41 79 618 3430 / cpouilly@ohchr.org)

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@WorldViewM Talks on Real Solutions to Water Crisis in Africa

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HOSTS: Ayshah Mshe, Ben Maiyo, Melissa Sikosana
GUESTS: AbdulAziz Omar, Olumide Idowu, Alie Eleveld|

Foreign aid organizations and African Governments constantly struggle in various degrees to find long-term solutions to address the water crisis in Africa. The government’s receptiveness to any outside aid and favorable conditions in the economy made it propitious to innumerable NGOs, international organizations and social businesses to attempt to alleviate the issue. Are these external pursuits only patching holes or are they contributing to a brighter future? The question on many people’s mind is does outside aid offer a true water crisis solution in Africa or mask a deeper problem? If real progress is being made, why does the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) expectation analysis forecast that the majority of the countries in Africa are expected to experience extreme water stress by 2025?

Download from Link Below

Olumide Idowu | WorldView Mission | Social Media Director | Real Solutions to Water Crisis in Africa

“Deepening Active Youth Participation in Democratic Processes in Africa! @WorldViewM

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“The freedom and human capacities of individuals must be developed to their maximum but individual powers must be linked to democracy in the sense that social betterment must be the necessary consequence of individual flourishing.” – Henry Giroux

Youth participation is often used interchangeably with the term ‘active involvement’. This means more than simply taking part in an activity. It refers specifically to the involvement in the process of identifying needs, exploring solutions, making decisions and planning action within communities and organizations that seek to support civil society.

In relation to young people, youth participation is often regarded as the involvement of young people in decisions that are made that affect them. However many people believe that young people should be treated as citizens now (as opposed to the citizens of the future) and should be involved in all decisions that are made about the community and society in which they live.

The experience today in many African societies is such that low levels of civil involvement and political apathy remain a dominant feature among young people. Anecdotal evidence seems to indicate that youth participation in political processes is declining. This is reflected in the low proportion of newly eligible voters who register and/or cast their ballot, and the widespread attitude among political elites that young people do not have sufficient political knowledge to be included in national planning and decision making processes. Although participation in elections is only one measure of civil participation, many young people in southern Africa do not know who their political representatives are, much less know about how to effectively influence politicians. Because many young people are less likely to vote, their interests are less likely to be represented. It would appear that opting out of the democratic process is an indication of the cynicism that young people feel about politics and people involved in politics.

One key factor in democratic politics is that citizens become accustomed to participating in political processes through political institutions, civil society, political parties, the act of voting, expression of opinion between and during elections, making regular contact with elected representatives, etc. The design of democracy by the elite is not enough if citizens only engage with the diverse processes of democracy periodically. Unless citizens, especially young people, have faith in democratic institutions and unless they engage in large numbers with teh various processes of self-governance, democracy might end up being no more than an empty shell, devoid of substance and merely providing a veneer of democracy for dictators and authoritarian regimes.

The vast majority of Africa’s population is under the age of 30. Young people are accordingly the largest interest group in society: they are stakeholders in elections with few dividends from its proceeds. Young people are restless for opportunity and eager to claim their space, but the institutions of democracy have seemingly conspired against them.

Prior to the emergence of multiparty democracy in the region, the nationalist/democratic movements fighting for the liberation of citizens relied on the mobilization of young people as a vital source of resistance against colonial or white minority regimes. Young people were used as the foot soldiers of the liberation forces and accorded a great degree of opportunity for participation in the periods leading to political liberalization in the region. The pressure on institutions to admit and accept the participation of all citizens became a critical factor in legitimizing democratic governance. However, the opportunities and mechanisms for effective participation remain out of reach for young people, as conscious, active citizen’s participating in political processes.

It is a danger to democracy that young people are not considered, directly or indirectly, as anything other than a liability to democracy. Young people are, in many ways, under siege: marginalized by male adults and the elderly from decision making processes, faced with the prospect of mass death by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, denied employment and blamed for the increasing level of crime and violence. They are not in a position to make informed choices in the exercise of citizenship. They are at the mercy of political proprietors who take it upon themselves to interpret and decide what citizenship entails for young people. An added dilemma for democracy is that the majority of young people are women who live in rural areas and are subjected to all forms of gender inequality. The question then becomes, “How can young people make meaningful contributions to community life through their enhanced participation in politics?”

DRAFT: #NIGERIAN CHILDREN & #YOUTH POSITION TO @COP19CMP9Warsaw @WorldViewM

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EVOLUTION OF NEGOTIATIONS FROM COP13/CMP3 TO COP 18/CMP8

Climate negotiations from Bali (COP13/CMP3 in 2007 to Doha (COP18/CMP8 in 2013 produced major packages of decisions that include (i) the Bali Road Map, (ii) the Copenhagen Accord, (iii) the Durban Platform and (iv) the Doha Gateway.

In 2007, at the thirteenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, held in Bali, Indonesia, the international community had set itself the ambitious goal of finalizing the provisions of the post-Kyoto Protocol by the time of the fifteenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties in Copenhagen in December 2009 at the latest. The outlines of this goal were set out in what became known as the Bali Action Plan. It consisted of four main building-blocks: mitigation; adaptation; technology transfer and capacity building; and funding. In Bali, for the first time, the Conference of the Parties called on developing countries to participate voluntarily in efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions through “nationally appropriate mitigation measures … supported and enabled by technology, financing and capacity-building, in a measurable, reportable and verifiable manner” [FCCC/CP/2007/6/Add.1.]

On 18 December 2009 in Copenhagen, the Conference of the Parties “took note” of the Copenhagen Accord, which reduces the Bali Road Map to a three-page document, significant for the lack of any legally binding text, the absence of quantified commitments on the part of developed countries for the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, and a promise to fund adaptation and mitigation measures to the tune of $30 billion between 2010 and 2012, and $100 billion per year from the year 2020. This minimal agreement resulted in a tailing off of discussions on the technology transfer and capacity-building blocks, and a very modest level of expectations from Cancun (sixteenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties) in 2010.

At the Durban conference, held from 28 November to 9 December 2011, a new road map was drawn up with a view to fulfilling the process initiated in Bali. Thus the “Durban Platform” was launched. It will work to find compromises in the various building-blocks under discussion and will move towards the development before 2015 of “a protocol, another legal instrument or an agreed outcome with legal force under the Convention applicable to all Parties” [FCCC/CP/2011/9/Add.1] whose initial implementation is expected to start from 2020.

In 2012, the “Doha Climate Gateway” negotiated at the eighteenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties provided an opportunity for developed countries participating in the second stage of the Kyoto Protocol (the Parties listed in Annex I) to commit themselves to reducing their overall emissions by at least 18 per cent by 2020 compared to 1990 levels.

In sum, negotiations over the past six years have had the following salient features: (i) a status quo on the post-Kyoto regime, which has resulted in an extension of the current protocol to 2020, but without the participation of Canada, Russia, Japan and New Zealand; (ii) voluntary commitment on the part of developing countries to participate in the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions; (iii) commitment on the part of developed countries to contribute the amount of $100 billion annually to climate financing from the year 2020.

In Durban, African countries, include Nigeria, demanded fresh commitments from the industrialized countries at the end of the first Kyoto period (2008–2012) based on the historical but differentiated responsibility between the Parties. The Durban Platform for Enhanced Action was launched in Durban and then the Doha Conference confirmed the extension of the Kyoto Protocol between 2013 and 2020. The funding that needs to be mobilized for the intermediate period covering 2013–2020 has not yet attracted any specific commitment, despite the requests of the developing countries. Doha confined itself to requesting the developed countries to provide, at the very least, the same amount that had been made available during the 2010–2012 period, and to submit, prior to the nineteenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties, a detailed account of the strategy to be adopted for achieving the goal of $100 billion per year from 2020.

The climate change negotiations are vital to Nigeria’s future prosperity, to our efforts to reduce poverty in our country, and to protection of our natural resource base. The children and youth of Nigeria is committed to playing its part in implementing the UNFCCC negotiations and agreements, to help ensure effective climate change adaptation in this country.

KYOTO PROTOCOL

Recognizing the importance of ensuring the environmental integrity of the Kyoto Protocol. Cognizant of decision 2/CP.17, emphasizing the role of the Kyoto Protocol in the mitigation effort by Parties included in Annex I, the importance of ensuring continuity in mitigation action by those Parties and the need to begin the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol without delay, aiming to ensure that aggregate emissions of greenhouse gases by Parties included in Annex I are reduced by at least 40 per cent below 1990 levels by 2020, noting in this regard the relevance of the review referred to in chapter V of decision 1/CP.16 to be concluded by 2015

In terms of mitigation developed countries are called upon to undertake ambitious mitigation commitments from 2013 to 2017 of at least 40 percent and to reduce their emissions by at least 95 per cent by 2050, compared to 1990 levels.

MITIGATION

In the area of mitigation, we call for:

1. A clear definition of the modalities for implementing Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) by (i) finalizing the guidelines; (ii) providing financial support; (iii) developing an international register.

2. The increasing emissions of some emerging economies should be addressed.

CLEAN DEVELOPMENT MECHANISM

We request the UNFCC secretariat, partner agencies of the Nairobi Frameworkhttp://cdm.unfccc.int/Nairobi_Framework/index.html to enhance its support for Nigeria youth

In clean development mechanisms by providing support and availability of financial resources for the following:

  • Skills enhancement and training to assist designated youth organizations, applicant and designated operational entities and project participants with regard to technical matters related to the clean development mechanism;

  • Institutional strengthening through, inter alia, support to designated youth organizations in the development and submission of standardized baselines and microscale renewable energy technologies that are automatically defined as additional;

  • Activities of designated national authorities and stakeholders in the implementation of the guidelines on standardized baselines and suppressed demand through system development and application.

Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD)

The concept of reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+) was introduced for the first time during the negotiations at the Eleventh Session of the Conference of the Parties (COP11/CMP1) in Montreal. The plus (+) refers to the conservation and sustainable management of forests and the enhancement of forest carbon stocks. REDD+ is based on the principle that countries that reduce their greenhouse gas emissions from deforestation and forest degradation should be compensated financially. This is all the more justified given that emissions of this type represent nearly 20 per cent of the world’s total carbon dioxide emissions and consequently a shift in this trend should result in a significant reduction in emissions.

We recognize that there is a divide between the poorer forested communities in our country and we believe the current mechanism is not working, and we say that there are a number of countries who are dealing with these issues and need better access to finance. Throwing cold water on the idea of a coordinating body does not allow many countries to reap real benefits from REDD+

Consequently, we propose that:

1.      There is need to balance finance with needs, and the need for a system for matching finance with support, as well as simplified architecture for results based payments at the national level.

2.   There is need for predictable finance – carbon offsets are unpredictable, unsustainable and unreliable. A profound in-depth evaluation of existing markets is needed before further discussions on new markets. There is need to recognize territories and areas conserved by indigenous peoples and local communities as a proven way to protect forests.

AGRICULTURE

On agriculture, parties in Doha, COP 18, did not agree on a workshop and a technical paper on “opportunities and challenges from mitigation in the agricultural sector,” since the G-77 and China favored addressing adaptation concerns rather than mitigation. The concerns of many developing countries that a cap on emissions in agriculture would threaten the livelihoods of many farmers, was strongly articulated by many developing country parties and they maintained that food security should not be relegated to mitigation objectives.

1.   We suggest that a progressive and inclusive process that addresses farmers’ priorities and provides farmers with access to science and technological advice to improve resilience, productivity and efficiency.

2.   Likewise, we urge the inclusion of mitigation in the discussions, noting that agriculture accounts for half of some country’s emissions.

FINANCE

In Copenhagen the developed countries placed on record their shared commitment to provide $30 billion in new and additional resources between 2010 and 2012 (“fast-start finance”), divided between mitigation and adaptation. By December 2012, only 33 per cent of this sum had been allocated and 7 per cent disbursed

The Copenhagen and Cancun accords also provide for the establishment of a Green Climate Fund (GCF), expected to reach a total of $100 billion per year by 2020, for use in supporting projects and programmes in the areas of mitigation, adaptation, capacity building and development/transfer of technology. The funding sources were not specified in the Copenhagen Accord but are expected to draw on a wide variety of public and private sources, bilateral and multilateral, including alternative sources of finance.

We affirm that challenges of concern  that are open for discussions and clarifications between Doha and Warsaw include (1) funding sources between 2013 and 2020, (2) the mobilization of post-2020 funding ($100 billion per year) and the operationalization of the associated Green Climate Fund and (3) the existence of effective arrangements for monitoring financial commitments.

Consequently,

1.      The interim financing and resource mobilization mechanisms associated with the level of resources available for the period 2013–2020 and the post-2020 period must be clearly defined and subject to consensus.

2.   A detailed outline of the strategy for reaching $100 billion per year from 2020 should be provided by Developed Country Parties

KNOWLEDGE TRANSFER

We recognize that technology is been addressed through operationalisation of the Technology Mechanism agreed in Cancun to enable enhanced action on technology development and knowledge transfer to support developing countries to adapt and mitigate climate change, however the use of these technologies (satellite and creative) still remain silo in this part of the world.

The teeming youth of Nigeria calls for more ambitious capacity building through free education exchange, open knowledge transfer mechanism and a coordinated approach towards utilizing these technologies.

COP19 should build on agreements reached during COP 16 in Cancun, Mexico and COP 17 in Durban, South Africa and COP 18 in Doha, Qatar. It should establish a new global climate change regime.

The children and youth of Nigeria expect a balance between climate and development initiatives, and calls for a balance between mitigation and adaptation to climate change. These interests will be better served by a legally binding global action that ensures that temperature increases from greenhouse gas emissions are kept below two degrees Celsius. Anything above this will result in dangerous climate change effects that could undermine efforts to eradicate poverty and underdevelopment. Developing countries will also have to design institutions that can provide developing countries with “adequate and efficient climate support.”

As an African developing country, the children and youth of Nigeria will use the opportunity afforded by COP19/CMP9 to showcase the way in which climate change impacts on the country as well as the responses being implemented.

We call on the development of a technical Paper on best practices and available tools for the use of indigenous knowledge and practices for adaptation, the application of gender-sensitive approaches, and tools for understanding impacts, vulnerability and adaptation.

#NIGERIANYOUTH

The Change We Want To See @WorldViewM

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COMMUNIQUE ON CHAMPION’S CONFERENCE 2013

Nigeria young people converge from all geo-political zones at the champion’s conference 2013, Saturday 2nd November to discus on the Theme; re-birthing of a united dream. The conference was birthed because of the divergence dream of Nigerians who came to seek change focusing on four keys areas namely: LEADERSHIP, ECONOMY AND INFRASTRUCTURE, ENVIRONMENT AND SOCIAL, HEALTH AND EDUCATION.

ON EDUCATION HEALTH

Government should:

  1. Making implementable education policies that supports and solve problems education our National development.
  2. Rebranding and Re-transforming our Health sector through Infrastructural transformation, service delivery and human capital development.
  3. Mass education to improve healthy living and reduce mortality.

ON ECONOMY AND INFRASTRUCTURE

Government should:

  1. Diversification of the economy.
  2. Combat inflation
  3. Ensure a condusive environment for innovation and creativity.
  4. Provide basic infrastructure.

ON ENVIRONMENT

Government should:

We Nigerians believe we have the right to demand a clean environment.

  1. We believe that to achieve this, we must orientate ourselves to believe that the practice of a clean environment is possible.
  2. An environment not infected with pollution but developed through innovation.
  3. Creating social space where people can comfortably relax and network.

ON LEADERSHIP

Government should:

With respect to leadership

  1. Leadership occurs in the following sphere; personally, the home front, place of economic engagements, religious gathering and governments.
  2. Leadership should be built from the personal leadership through the home front to governance level.
  3. The leadership we give should be value oriented, competent and accountable.

Conclusively, the above submission we have decided to uphold and practice as young Nigerian for the betterment of our future.

We also plead to the respective body to join hands together in other to make this communique a successful one.

Thanks!

What happened at the UN General Assembly? @WorldViewM

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WHAT HAPPENED

1. UN DECISION MAKING

During the week of high-level events at the UNGA a whole host of different issues were presented and discussed, and just yesterday the GA officially adopted the attached ‘Outcome Document’ which details their commitments to fulfilling the MDGs and puts forward thoughts on next steps. But what does it all mean?! Thanks to the help of Beyond 2015 for their much more detailed overview of what happened, which you can read here: http://www.beyond2015.org/sites/default/files/Briefing%20note%20post%20UNGA.pdf

The promising:

  • The outcome document of the GA agrees to pursue a single framework and set of goals that apply to all countries
  • The GA also supports a coherent approach, which integrates poverty eradication, human rights, economic transformation, social justice and environmental stewardship, indicating the potential for transformational change in 2015.
  • It is also really exciting to see the recognition of peace and security, democratic governance, the rule of law, gender equality, and human rights for all as critical components of the new development agenda.
  • During the week of high-level events, the High Level Political Forum held their first meeting (see ‘next steps’ below for more information). This HLPF will eventually be the home of the new development framework, and they have committed to ensuring the participation of children and young people, along with broader civil society! This is great news, because up to now this was anything but guaranteed (the UNGA does not have such a legal mandate).

Aaaand the not so promising:

  • We still have a long way to go to ensure that some of the key issues that children and youth are calling for play a big part in the post-2015 framework. In the main meetings, the role of children & youth and some of our key concerns (such as inequality and accountability) were was barely touched upon.
  • Governments barely touched on the structural causes of poverty and injustice, which was a key message from civil society consultations leading up to the GA.
  • The main meetings were very difficult to interact and meaningfully input in to because of the ‘high-level’ nature of the GA, often meaning that young people and civil society were left until last to share their perspectives (if given the chance at all!) Making matters worse, much of the content for the ‘outcome document’ was already agreed in advance, so a lot of the conversations really served as a ‘rubber stamp’ rather than any meaningful discussion around the key issues and next steps. Even the ‘round table’ events had no interaction or discussion!

2. CHILDREN & YOUTH PARTICIPATION

Children and young people actively participated in the various different High-Level meetings, by making formal interventions (this one, for example) and lobbying their governments using this set of key messages put together by the Major Group of Children & Youthhttps://docs.google.com/a/childrenyouth.org/document/d/1Niq0v_CuBUSTJp1NJQ1c-VhARy8zp3isomUcqOq2PeE/edit?pli=1

Meanwhile, there were a whole host of youth-focussed meetings and events that took place surrounding the high-level events in New York: the Inter-Agency Network on Youth DevelopmentOpen Meeting; the Youth Blast! training and capacity-building workshop; children and youth briefing sessions every morning (at 7.30am – ouch!); discussions on what the next steps might be for our participation; and a whole host of side events presenting young voices and priorities for the post-2015 agenda.

But what does it all of this result in for next steps?! Well, here’s some initial food for thought:

NEXT STEPS

 

1. FOR THE POST-2015 PROCESS

 

Following many months of silence from the UN system on what we can expect for the next crucial pieces of the post-2015 puzzle, we now have a much clearer idea of the key milestones in the process as we move forward:

1.     The Open Working Group will continue its work, gathering input until February 2014 and writing its report from February until August.

2.     The Inter-governmental Committee of Experts on Sustainable Development Financing will be discussing how governments and others will fund the post-2015 agenda – another important arena in which to engage.

3.     Thematic events by the President of the General Assembly, called ‘The Post-2015 Development Agenda – Setting the Stage’: You can see the full list in this document, but excitingly for us, the first conference (likely to be in Feb 2014) will be on: “What role should women the young and civil society play in the new development agenda?”

4.     UNGA 69th Session – September 2014: Full intergovernmental negotiations on the post-2015 agenda will start and will draw on all the recent reports: from the High Level Panel, Sustainable Development Solutions Network, the Global Compact, and the national and regional consultations organised by the UN, and the future reports of the Open Working Group and the Sustainable Development Finance Committee. Whilst we don’t know what these negotiations will look like, Beyond 2015 predict that they will be similar to the Rio+20 process.

5.     Secretary General’s synthesis report: The Secretary General will present a synthesis report to governments of all inputs available by the end of 2014 as an input into their negotiations. (To see the current version of the SG report from early September this year, check-out this website: http://post2015.org/2013/08/16/report-of-the-secretary-general-a-life-of-dignity-for-all/)

6.     Final agreement on post-2015 development framework: A high level Summit will take place in September 2015 to adopt the post-2015 agenda. This Summit will be the culmination of the intergovernmental negotiations.

7.     Then, it’s over to the High Level Political Forum to run with whatever decision that the negotiations produce. The HLPF has a clear mandate for civil society participation, and will be responsible for over-seeing the implementation, monitoring and accountability of the new framework.

2. FOR CHILDREN & YOUTH PARTICIPATION

As the Sustainable Development conversation now formally streamlines with the Post-2015 process, the UN is looking at ways to increase the participation of the 9 Major Groups (including the Major Group of Children & Youth) and ‘other stakeholders’. (Point 43 of the Rio+20 Outcome Document defines who they recognise as ‘other stakeholders’: http://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/futurewewant.html, including people with disabilities)

So, over the next couple of months the Major Group of Children & Youth are going through a review of their governance, structure and ways of working. If you’d like to find out more and get involved,sign up to the mailing list at: www.childrenyouth.org

Looking through the list of key steps for the process moving forward (and acknowledging the multitude of additional events and activities that will be run in other relevant areas of the UN, governments and civil society alike. e.g. The World Youth Summit in Sri Lanka in 2014), there are multiple ways that we might want to get more involved! So, let’s all take some time to think through what we need, what are our priorities as a children and young people, and what do we need to better enable our participation moving forward – both from within ourselves, our networks, and from our decision-makers)

We’ve got some thinking to do together!

And on that note this is where we’ll sign-off for now. If you have any stories to share from UNGA, or from your work on post-2015 then please do share with the mailing list!

Best wishes,

Hannah & Amelia

Hannah Smith

Policy Coordinator

www.restlessdevelopment.org